Feminist kooks dominate anthropology of "male violence"
From: offshore eddie (eddie_at_nospam.com)
Date: 07/26/04
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Date: Mon, 26 Jul 2004 06:45:45 GMT
"Feminist" kooks have not only distorted the perception of the present, they
are busy distorting perceptions of the past. Here is some of the typical
"feminist" bull*** that passes for anthropology today:
"Popular culture, religious dogma, and scientific discourse
perpetuate the idea of an insatiable male "sex drive."
Frequently, this idea is used to justify sexual pursuit
regardless of a woman's will. Men are portrayed as
captive to their libido and therefore not fully responsible for
their actions. Sometimes men's raging hormones are
portrayed as the culprit, whereas at other times, male
behavior is couched in the language of evolutionary biology
in which male promiscuity is seen as a vestige of
evolutionary forces that confer "selective advantage" on
men who impregnate as many women as possible."
Male aggression IS largely a vestige of evolutionary forces. Politically
correct anthropologists have dumped that theory, though, because it doesn't
suit their anti-male agenda. Otherwise, they would have to answer the
question, what evolutionary forces selected for aggressive males? Why,
females' choices, of course. Aggressive males got the rewards in the herd,
and the females chose to mate with those males so they could share the
rewards. The reason there are "so many" violent males today is that
*females chose to mate with the most aggressive males*, just as they do
today.
The feminist response to this is usually to claim the women had no choice;
they were raped. However, other anthropologists, some of them feminists
unwittingly working at odds with their cohorts, have shown that rape
accounted for only a small portion of births, and was not common enough to
be a selective force:
"Dr. Sanday presented findings from her
now-classic comparative study of rape in 156 tribal societies.
According to her detailed analysis of the ethnographic record,
rape of women by men was totally absent or extremely rare
in 47 percent of the cultures she studied (Sanday, 1981)."
Therefore, there are aggressive men today because women in the past chose to
mate with aggressive men. Simple. But, no, the "feminists" cannot tolerate
any theory in which women share the guilt.
"In fact, Miedzian lays a large share of the blame for the
epidemic of male violence in her own U.S. culture on a
"masculine mystique" that encourages toughness,
dominance and extreme competitiveness at the expense
of honest emotion, empathy and communication."
And what encourages the masculine mystique? There must be some rewards for
toughness, dominance and extreme competitiveness or men wouldn't pursue
those things. Why yes, I can think of one big reward. -->*Women*<-- are
attracted to tough, dominant, extremely competitive men. By Jove, could
that be what motivates men to be ... Well, you'll never hear a female
anthropologist acknowledge it. It's all intellectual prestidigitation by
these "scientists" to make people avoid the obvious conclusions.
More classic, anti-male jibber-jabber:
"Men in many cultures strive daily to prove to
themselves and others that they qualify for
inclusion in the esteemed category of "male."
The fear accompanying this insecurity derives
in part from a gendered system that assigns
power and status to that which is male and
denigrates or subordinates that which is female.
To be "not male," is to be reduced to the
status of woman, or, worse, to be "gay".
Um, wait a minute. Don't the females go for the guys who have power and
status and ignore the guys who are "not male"? Could this be why some men
strive to be so "male"?
"A growing number of theorists have begun to
argue that violence against women is partly
fueled by men's fundamental insecurity over
their masculinity (Lancaster, 1992; Stoltenberg,
1989; Segal, 1990). To say that men are
insecure does not in anyway condone their
coercive conduct, but it can help us understand
the phenomenon and suggest avenues for
intervention."
How about not mating with aggressive males? Oh, but those non-aggressive
males, they don't collect the big bucks, don't drive sportscars and often
are the victims of the aggressive males.
"One way to feel unambiguously male in many
cultures is to dominate women, to behave
aggressively and to take risks. A "real man" in
the Balkans, for example, is one who drinks
heavily, fights bravely and shows "Indomitable
virility" by fathering many children (Denich, 1974).
In eastern Morocco, "true men" are distinguished
by their physical prowess and heroic acts of both
feuding and sexual potency (Marcus, 1987). On
the South Pacific island of Truk, fighting, drinking,
defying the sea and sexually conquering women
are the true measures of manhood (Caughey,
1970; Marshall, 1979; Gilmore, 1990).
How do you father many children without the women's consent? Obviously,
Balkan women choose the most virile men to have sex with.
"Significantly, sexual conquest and potency
appear as repeated themes in many cultural
definitions of manhood, placing women at
increased risk of coercive sex. This is as true
in the United States as it is elsewhere. Recently,
nine teenage boys from an upper-middle-class
suburb of Los Angeles were arrested for allegedly
molesting and raping a number of girls, some as
young as ten. The boys, members of a group
called the Spur Posse, acknowledge having sex
with scores of underage girls as part of a sexual
competition. In tabulating their sexual exploits,
the boys made reference to the uniform number
of the sports stars who are their heroes: "I'm 44
now-Reggie Jackson. I'm 50-David Robinson."
Tellingly, some of the boys' fathers appeared
boastful of their sons' conquests. In a New York
Times article about the rapes, one father praised
his son as "all man" and insisted the girls his
son had sex with were "giving it away" (Gross,
1993).
Um, wait a minute. Not sure all those details were correct. Fact is, many
of those girls were happily "giving it away" and to aggressive, muscular,
lusty boys, not to mild-mannered, chess-playing nerds.
"When masculine ideals are associated with violence,
virility and power, one can easily see how male
sexual behavior might emerge as coercive and
aggressive."
Especially when women seek out the most aggressive men.
'Regardless of the rationale, the social acceptance of men's
violence runs deep. The belief in the "naturalness" of men's
aggression is a core one that we must challenge in order to
build a global consensus against gender-based abuse.'
Then you'll have to stop mating with aggressive men, dear.
- (Offshore Eddie, 2004)
****************************************************************************
****
Sexual Coercion and Reproductive Health
Chapter 2
Boys will be boys
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
---- The idea that violence and dominance are somehow inherent to men's nature is an idea with many adherents in different parts of the world. It has been used to justify war, men's dominance of the public sphere, and all manner of atrocities committed against women, nature and other human beings. Especially in the realm of sexuality, the belief persists in many quarters that male sexuality is inherently predatory: men need frequent sex (so the theory goes), preferably with multiple partners, whereas women are essentially passive. Ironically, in many cultures, the belief in female passivity coexists with an equally widespread belief that female sexuality is powerful and must be monitored and controlled at all times. Popular culture, religious dogma, and scientific discourse perpetuate the idea of an insatiable male "sex drive." Frequently, this idea is used to justify sexual pursuit regardless of a woman's will. Men are portrayed as captive to their libido and therefore not fully responsible for their actions. Sometimes men's raging hormones are portrayed as the culprit, whereas at other times, male behavior is couched in the language of evolutionary biology in which male promiscuity is seen as a vestige of evolutionary forces that confer "selective advantage" on men who impregnate as many women as possible. Regardless of the rationale, the social acceptance of men's violence runs deep. The belief in the "naturalness" of men's aggression is a core one that we must challenge in order to build a global consensus against gender-based abuse. Although theory building in the field of violence is still very much in flux, there is a growing consensus among experts that violence is neither an entirely biological phenomenon nor solely a product of culture. As Myriam Miedzian argued during her presentation on the origins of male violence: We must begin to move beyond a simplistic view of violence in which one side contends that it is biological and therefore nothing can be done about it, while the other side asserts that human beings are naturally good and violence is caused by socialization alone. In her presentation, Miedzian argued that although there appears to be some biological basis for men's greater propensity toward violence, this potential can be either reinforced or largely eliminated, depending on socialization. As Miedzian points out, acknowledging that humans have a biological potential for violence-even that men as a class may be at higher risk for committing violent acts than women-does not mean that violence is entirely genetic and immutable. "If human beings were not biologically capable of violence, violence would not exist, just as a child cannot fly simply because he wants to play Superman. Nor does a biological component to violence mean that it must be acted upon. To make her point, Miedzian cites the ability of even a young child to control the biological (and often powerful) urge to urinate or defecate in inappropriate situations. "If a child can learn not to pee in public, it is reasonable to expect that a child can master whatever biological propensity he may have toward easy frustration or anger. Indeed, Miedzian believes whatever biological basis may exist for men's greater propensity toward violence probably stems from a lower threshold for frustration, greater irritability and impulsiveness and a tendency toward rough and tumble play during childhood (the latter tends to encourage the expression of anger or frustration through physical activity rather than verbal reaction, see Box 4). Although a factor, these biological tendencies play only a small role in accounting for men's greater proclivity toward violence. Far more important, Miedzian argues, are the powerful social factors -male socialization, peer pressure, the media, and the military-that virtually breed violent behavior in men. In fact, Miedzian lays a large share of the blame for the epidemic of male violence in her own U.S. culture on a "masculine mystique" that encourages toughness, dominance and extreme competitiveness at the expense of honest emotion, empathy and communication. Whereas aggressive impulses in girls are generally discouraged and censored by authority figures, boys are taught they must be tough if they want to be "a man." Strict codes of conduct are enforced through peer pressure not to be "a sissy," "a ***" or a "wus." Television, films, video games and combat sports further reinforce rigid gender roles and violent behavior. During her panel presentation, anthropologist Peggy Sanday also provided information suggesting that men's violence is not inevitable. Dr. Sanday presented findings from her now-classic comparative study of rape in 156 tribal societies. According to her detailed analysis of the ethnographic record, rape of women by men was totally absent or extremely rare in 47 percent of the cultures she studied (Sanday, 1981). Even if one cedes that some of the societies designated "rape free" probably represent inadequacies in the ethnographic record rather than truly nonviolent societies, the number of examples cited (and the descriptions of life in these societies) suggests that there have been at least some cultures not plagued by sexual violence (especially since the study eliminates any societies in which insufficient information exists to determine the presence or absence of rape). Two other studies of wife abuse cross-culturally (Levinson, 1989, Counts, Brown and Campbell, 1992) unearth additional examples of cultures in which gender-based violence is absent or exceedingly rare. In his ethnographic review of 90 peasant and small-scale societies, for example, Levinson (1989) identified 16 that could be described as "essentially free or untroubled by family violence." The existence of such cultures - even if few in number - stands as proof that violence against women is not an inevitable outgrowth of male biology, sexuality, or hormones. Apparently it is "male conditioning," not the "condition of being male" that appears to be the problem. Sexual Coercion and Reproductive Health Chapter 2 The importance of being male ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---- Although what it means to be "male" varies among different cultures and within different segments of the same culture, the importance of the masculine mystique appears to be a common element in many, but not all, societies. In his book Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity, anthropologist David Gilmore (1990) notes that across many cultures "there is a constantly recurring notion that real manhood is different from simple anatomical maleness, that it is not a neutral condition that comes about spontaneously through biological maturation but rather is a precarious or artificial state that boys must win against powerful odds" (p. 11). Men in many cultures strive daily to prove to themselves and others that they qualify for inclusion in the esteemed category of "male." The fear accompanying this insecurity derives in part from a gendered system that assigns power and status to that which is male and denigrates or subordinates that which is female. To be "not male," is to be reduced to the status of woman, or, worse, to be "gay". A growing number of theorists have begun to argue that violence against women is partly fueled by men's fundamental insecurity over their masculinity (Lancaster, 1992; Stoltenberg, 1989; Segal, 1990). To say that men are insecure does not in anyway condone their coercive conduct, but it can help us understand the phenomenon and suggest avenues for intervention. One way to feel unambiguously male in many cultures is to dominate women, to behave aggressively and to take risks. A "real man" in the Balkans, for example, is one who drinks heavily, fights bravely and shows "Indomitable virility" by fathering many children (Denich, 1974). In eastern Morocco, "true men" are distinguished by their physical prowess and heroic acts of both feuding and sexual potency (Marcus, 1987). On the South Pacific island of Truk, fighting, drinking, defying the sea and sexually conquering women are the true measures of manhood (Caughey, 1970; Marshall, 1979; Gilmore, 1990). Significantly, sexual conquest and potency appear as repeated themes in many cultural definitions of manhood, placing women at increased risk of coercive sex. This is as true in the United States as it is elsewhere. Recently, nine teenage boys from an upper-middle-class suburb of Los Angeles were arrested for allegedly molesting and raping a number of girls, some as young as ten. The boys, members of a group called the Spur Posse, acknowledge having sex with scores of underage girls as part of a sexual competition. In tabulating their sexual exploits, the boys made reference to the uniform number of the sports stars who are their heroes: "I'm 44 now-Reggie Jackson. I'm 50-David Robinson." Tellingly, some of the boys' fathers appeared boastful of their sons' conquests. In a New York Times article about the rapes, one father praised his son as "all man" and insisted the girls his son had sex with were "giving it away" (Gross, 1993). When masculine ideals are associated with violence, virility and power, one can easily see how male sexual behavior might emerge as coercive and aggressive.
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