Re: Re: The word "swastika" was mistranslated & created the "swastika myth"

From: Topaz (mars1933_at_hotmail.com)
Date: 02/27/05


Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2005 15:44:15 -0600

On Sat, 26 Feb 2005 13:56:19 -0500, "GEM" <webmaster@gemsgallery.org>
wrote:

>
>The Nazis were not socialist,

  We are socialists. We are not communists if that is what you mean.
Here are some quotes from Mein Kampf:

 
     "There were millions and millions of workmen who began by being
hostile to the Social Democratic Party; but their defences were
repeatedly stormed and finally had to surrender. Yet this defeat was
due to the stupidity of the bourgeois parties, who had opposed every
demand put forward by the working class. The short-sighted refusal to
making an effort towards improving labour conditions, the refusal to
adopt measures which would insure the workmen in case of accidents in
the factories, the refusal to forbid child labour, the refusal to
consider protective measures for female workers, especially expectant
mothers--all this was of assistance to the Social Democratic leaders,
who were thankful for every opportunity which they could exploit for
forcing the masses into their net. Our bourgeois parties can never
repair the damage that resulted from the mistake that was made. For
they sowed the seeds of hatred when they opposed all efforts at social
reform. And thus they gave, at least, apparent grounds to justify the
claim put forward by the Social Democrats--namely that they alone
stand up for the interest of the working class.
      "And this became the principle ground for the moral
justification of the actual existance of the Trades Unions, so that
the labour organizations became from that time onwards the chief
political recruiting ground to swell the ranks of the Social
Democratic Party."

       "the Jew seized upon the manifold possiblities which the
situation offered him for the future. While on the one hand he
organized capitalistic methods of exploitation to their ultimate
degree of efficiency, he curried favour with the victims of his policy
and his power and in a short while became the leader of their struggle
against himself. 'Against himself' is here only a figurative way of
speaking; for this 'Great Master of Lies' knows how to appear in the
guise of the innocent and throw the guilt on others. Since he had the
impudence to take a personal lead among the masses, they never for a
moment suspected that they were falling prey to one of the most
infamous deceits ever practiced. And yet that is what it actually
was."

> except in the form of corporate socialists,

Hitler said:
  "We are socialists, we are enemies of today's capitalistic economic
system
for the exploitation of the economically weak, with its unfair
salaries,
with its unseemly evaluation of a human being according to wealth and
property instead of responsibility and performance, and we are all
determined to destroy this system under all conditions."
(Speech of May 1, 1927. Quoted by John Toland, Adolf Hitler, 1977, p.
306)

>better known as corporate fascists.

corporatism
"All those engaged in a common enterprise, particularly as a means of
making a living, have a common interest and should deal with
government through their leaders as, for example, educational workers,
or workers in agriculture, rather than 'horizontally' as laborers,
clerical workers, managers, and so on."
Source:
David Miller et al., eds, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political
Thought (Oxford, 1987)
  Of course Mussolini did not mean that corporations as in the USA
should have more power or profits.
  Here are parts of a post about Mussolini written by a very
anti-Mussolini person. He has done his homework though and cites many
books which are also anti-Mussolini and anti-Fascist. These are some
things they admit:
 

"He had a profound contempt for those whose overriding ambition was to
be
rich. It was a mania, he thought, a kind of disease, and he comforted
himself with the reflection that the rich were rarely happy"
Here Hibbert (1962, p. 47) is describing a lifelong attitude of
Mussolini
that continued right into his time as Italy's Prime Minister - when he
refused to take his official salary.

"There was much truth in the comment of a Rome newspaper that the new
fasci
did not aim at the defence of the ruling class or the existing State
but
wanted to lead the revolutionary forces into the Nationalist camp so
as to
prevent a victory of Bolshevism.

even after coming
to power, to take drives in the country with his wife and stop at
various
farmhouses on the way for a chat with the family there. He would enjoy
discussing the crops, the weather and all the usual rural topics and
obviously just liked the feeling of being one of the people. His claim
to
represent the people was not just theory but heartfelt. And he never
gave up
his "anti-bourgeois" rhetoric.

 His policies were basically protectionist. He
controlled the exchange-rate of the Italian currency and promoted that
old
favourite of the economically illiterate - autarky - meaning that he
tried
to get Italy to become wholly self-sufficient rather than rely on
foreign
trade. He wanted to protect Italian products from competing foreign
products.

 By 1939 he had doubled Italy's grain
production from its traditional level, enabling Italy to cut wheat
imports
by 75% (Smith, 1967, p. 92).

 He made Capri a bird sanctuary (Smith, 1967, p. 84) and
in 1926 he issued a decree reducing the size of newspapers to save
wood
pulp. And, believe it or not, he even mandated gasohol - i.e. mixing
industrial alcohol with petroleum products to make fuel for cars
(Smith,
1967, p. 87). Mussolini also disliked the population drift from rural
areas
into the big cities and in 1930 passed a law to put a stop to it
unless
official permission was granted

 he advocated private enterprise within
a strict set of State controls designed, among other things, to
prevent
abuse of monopoly power (Gregor, 1979, Ch. 5).

...a big
expansion of public works and a great improvement in social insurance
measures. He also set up the "Dopolavoro" (after work) organization to
give
workers cheap recreations of various kinds (cf. the Nazi Kraft durch
Freude
movement). His public health measures (such as the attack on
tuberculosis
and the setting up of a huge maternal and child welfare organization)
were
particularly notable for their rationality and efficiency and, as
such, were
rewarded with great success. For instance, the incidence of
tuberculosis
dropped dramatically and infant mortality declined by more than 20%
(Gregor,
p. 259).
"instituted a programme of public works hitherto unrivalled in modern
Europe. Bridges, canals and roads were built, hospitals and schools,
railway
stations and orphanages, swamps were drained and land reclaimed,
forest were
planted and universities were endowed."

 In 1929 Mussolini and Pope Pius
12th signed the Lateran treaty - which is still the legal basis for
the
existence of the Vatican State to this day - and Pius in fact at one
stage
called Mussolini "the man sent by Providence". The treaty recognized
Roman
Catholicism as the Italian State religion as well as recognizing the
Vatican
as a sovereign state. What Mussolini got in exchange was acceptance by
the
church - something that was enormously important in the Italy of that
time.

 the great hatred that existed in prewar
Germany between the Nazis and the "Reds". And the early Fascists
battled the
"Reds" too, of course.

The 1919 election
manifesto, for instance, contained policies of worker control of
industry,
confiscation of war profits, abolition of the Stock exchange, land for
the
peasants and abolition of the Monarchy and nobility. Further,
Mussolini
never ceased to inveigh against "plutocrats".

He wanted a harmonious and united
Italy for all Italians of all classes and was sure that achieving just
treatment for the workers needed neither revolution nor any kind of
artificially enforced equality.

This made Italian Fascism a much more popular creed than Stalin's
Communism. This
is perhaps most clearly seen by the always persuasive "voting with
your
feet" criterion. Mussolini made no effort to prevent Italians from
emigrating and although some anti-Fascists did, net emigration
actually FELL
under Mussolini. Compare this with Stalin and the Berlin wall.

Mussolini gained
power through political rather than revolutionary means. His famous
march on
Rome was only superficially revolutionary. The King of Italy and the
army
approved of him because of his pragmatic policies so did not oppose
the
march. So this collusion ensured that Mussolini's "revolution" was
essentially bloodless.

 His considerable popularity for many years among a wide
range of Italians shows how effective his recipe for achieving that
was.

In his "corporate state", Mussolini was the first to create ...a
system
of capitalism under tight government control. And his corporate state
was
one where the workers had (at least in theory) equal rights with
management.

REFERENCES Amis, M. (2002) Koba the Dread : laughter and the twenty
million.
N.Y.: Talk Miramax
Carsten, F.L. (1967) The rise of Fascism. London: Methuen.
Funk & Wagnall's New Encyclopedia (1983) Funk & Wagnall's
Galbraith, J.K. (1969) The affluent society. 2nd ed. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin.
Gilmour, I.H.J.L. (1978) Inside right. London: Quartet.
Greene, N. (1968) Fascism: An anthology. N.Y.: Crowell.
Gregor, A.J. (1979) Italian Fascism and developmental dictatorship
Princeton, N.J.: Univ. Press.
Hagan, J. (1966) Modern History and its themes. Croydon, Victoria,
Australia: Longmans.
Hibbert, C. (1962) Benito Mussolini Geneva: Heron Books. Herzer, I.
(1989)
The Italian refuge: Rescue of Jews during the holocaust. Washington,
D.C.:
Catholic University of America Press
Horowitz, D. (1998) Up from multiculturalism. Heterodoxy, January.
See:
http://www.cspc.org/het/multicul.htm
Lenin, V.I. (1952) "Left-Wing" Communism, an Infantile Disorder. In:
Selected Works, Vol. II, Part 2. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing
House.
Martino, A. (1998) The modern mask of socialism. 15th John Bonython
lecture,
Centre for Independent Studies, Sydney. See
http://www.cis.org.au/Events/JBL/JBL98.htm
Muravchik, J. (2002) Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism
San
Francisco: Encounter Books.
Smith, D.M. (1967) The theory and practice of Fascism. In: Greene, N.
Fascism: An anthology N.Y.: Crowell.
Steinberg, J. (1990) All or nothing: The Axis and the holocaust
London:
Routledge.

> I realize that the name they chose
>claims they are socialists, but like Mista Bush and Party, it was necessary
>to lie to the people about what they stood for,

 It's your media that lies:

       Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf that the Jews tell big lies. The
Jewish media took his words out of context and claimed that Hitler was
in favor of big lies. This was in itself a big lie and proof that
Hitler was right. Here is what Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf and in
context:

     "But it remained for the Jews, with their unqualified capacity
for falsehood, and their fighting comrades, the Marxists, to impute
responsiblity for the downfall precisely to the man who alone had
shown a superhuman will and energy in his effort to prevent the
catastrophe which he had forseen and to save the nation from that hour
of complete overthrow and shame. By placing responsiblity for the loss
of the world war on the shoulders of Ludendorff they took away the
weapon of moral right from the only adversary dangerous enough to be
likely to succeed in bringing the betrayers of the Fatherland to
justice. All this was inspired by the principle--which is quite true
in itself--that in the big lie there is always a certain force of
credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more
easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than
consciously or voluntarily, and thus in the primitive simplicity of
their minds they are more readily fall victims to the big lie than the
small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little
matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It
would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and
they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort
truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this to be so
may be brought clearly to their minds, they still doubt and waver and
will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For
the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it
has been nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in
this world and to all who conspire together in tha art of lying. These
people know only too well how to use falsehood for the basest
purposes.
     "From time immemorial, however, the Jews have known better than
any others how falsehood and calumny can be exploited. Is not their
very existance founded on one great lie, namely, that they are a
religious community, whereas in reality they are a race? And what a
race! One of the greatest thinkers that mankind has produced has
branded the Jews for all time with a statement which is profoundly and
exactly true. He (Schopenhauer) called the Jew 'The Great Master of
Lies'. Those who do not realize the truth of that statement, or do not
wish to believe it, will never be able to lend a hand in helping Truth
to prevail."

> in order to get that first
>foothold in power. Once they controlled the nation, all pretense at being
>socialist were cast aside and their purely fascist natures became obvious to
>all.
>
>Except you of course. :)
>
 
  Here is excerpt from his memoirs General Leon Degrelle, former
 leader of the Belgian contingent of the Waffen-SS:
 
  "One of the first labor reforms to benefit the German workers
 was the establishment of annual paid vacation. The Socialist French
 Popular Front, in 1936, would make a show of having invented the
 concept of paid vacation, and stingily at that, only one week per
 year. But Adolf Hitler originated the idea, and two or three times as
 generously, from the first month of his coming to power in 1933.
 
  Every factory employee from then on would have the legal right
 to a paid vacation. Until then, in Germany paid holidays where they
 applied at all did not exceed four or five days, and nearly half the
 younger workers had no leave entitlement at all. Hitler, on the other
 hand, favored the younger workers. Vacations were not handed out
 blindly, and the youngest workers were granted time off more
 generously. It was a humane action; a young person has more need of
 rest and fresh air for the development of his strength and vigor just
 coming into maturity. Basic vacation time was twelve
 days, and then from age 25 on it went up to 18 days. After ten years
 with the company, workers got 21 days, three times what the French
 socialists would grant the workers of their country in 1936.
 
  These figures may have been surpassed in the more than half a
 century since then, but in 1933 they far exceeded European norms. As
 for overtime hours, they no longer were paid, as they were everywhere
 else in Europe at that time, at just the regular hourly rate. The
work
 day itself had been reduced to a tolerable norm of eight hours,
since
 the forty-hour week as well, in Europe, was first initiated by
Hitler.
 And beyond that legal limit, each additional hour had to be paid at a
 considerably increased rate...
 
  Dismissal of an employee was no longer left as before the the
 sole discretion of the employer. In that era, workers' rights to job
 security were non-existent. Hitler saw to it that those rights were
 strictly spelled out. The employer had to announce any dismissal four
 weeks in advance. The employee then had a period of up to two months
 in which to lodge a protest. The dismissal could also be annulled by
 the Honor of Work Tribunal. What was the Honor of Work Tribunal? Also
 called the Tribunal of Social Honor, it was the third of the three
 great elements or layers of protection and defense that were to the
 benefit of every German worker. The first was the Council
 of Trust. The second was the Labor Commission.
 
  The Council of Trust was charged with attending to the
 establishment and the development of a real community spirit between
 management and labor. In any business enterprise, the Reich law
 stated, the employer and head of the enterprise, the employees and
 workers, personnel of the enterprise, shall work jointly towards the
 goal of the enterprise and the common good of
 the nation...
       
  Thus from 1933 on, the German worker had a system of justice
 at his disposal that was created especially for him and would
 adjudicate all grave infractions of the social duties based on the
 idea of the Aryan enterprise community. Examples of these violations
 of social honor are cases where the employer, abusing his power,
 displayed ill will towards his staff or impugned the honor of his
 subordinates, cases where staff members threatened work harmony by
 spiteful agitation; the publication by members of the Council of
 confidential information regarding the enterprise which they
 became cognizant of in the course of discharging their duties.
 Thirteen Tribunes of Social Honor were established, corresponding
with
 the thirteen commissions...
      
  From then on the worker knew that exploitation of his physical
 strength in bad faith or offending his honor would no longer be
 allowed. He had to fulfill certain obligations to the community, but
 they were obligations that applied to all members of the enterprise,
 from the chief executive down to the messenger boy. Germany's workers
 at last had clearly established social rights that were arbitrated by
 a Labor Commission and enforced by a Tribunal of Honor. Although
 effected in an atmosphere of justice and moderation, it was a
 revolution.
 
  This was only the end of 1933, and already the first effects
 could be felt. The factories and shops large and small were reformed
 or transformed in conformity with the strictest standards of
 cleanliness and hygiene; the interior areas, so often dilapidated,
 opened to light; playing fields constructed; rest areas made
available
 where one could converse at one's ease and relax during rest periods;
 employee cafeterias; proper dressing rooms.
 
  With time, that is to say in three years, those achievements
 would take on dimensions never before imagined; more than 2,000
 factories refitted and beautified; 23,000 work premises modernized;
 800 buildings designed exclusively for meetings; 1,200 playing
fields;
 13,000 sanitary facilities with running water; 17,000 cafeterias.
 Eight hundred departmental inspectors and 17,300 local inspectors
 would foster and closely and continuously supervise these renovations
 and installations.
 
  The large industrial establishments moreover had been given
 the obligation of preparing areas not only suitable for sports
 activities of all kinds, but provided with swimming pools as well.
 Germany had come a long way from the sinks for washing one's face and
 the dead tired workers, grown old before their time, crammed into
 squalid courtyards during work breaks.
 
  In order to ensure the natural development of the working
 class, physical education courses were instituted for the younger
 workers; 8,000 such were organized. Technical training would be
 equally emphasized, with the creation of hundreds of work schools,
 technical courses and examinations of professional competence, and
 competitive examinations for the best workers for which large prizes
 were awarded.
 
  To rejuvenate young and old alike, Hitler ordered that a
 gigantic vacation organization for workers be set up. Hundreds of
 thousands of workers would be able every summer to relax on and and
 sea. Magnificent cruise ships would be built. Special trains would
 carry vacationers to the mountains and to the seashore. The
 locomotives that hauled the innumerable worker-tourists in
 just a few years of travel in Germany would log a distance equivalent
 to fifty-four times around the world!
 
  The cost of these popular excursions was nearly insignificant,
 thanks to greatly reduced rates authorized by the Reichsbank.
 
  Didn't these reforms lack something? Were some of them flawed
 by errors and blunders? It is possible. But what did a blunder amount
 to alongside the immense gains?
 
  That this transformation of the working class smacked of
 authoritarianism? That's exactly right. But the German people were
 sick and tired of socialism and anarchy. To feel commanded didn't
 bother them a bit. In fact, people have always liked having a strong
 man guide them. One thing for certain is that the turn of mind of the
 working class, which was still almost two-thirds non-Nazi in 1933,
had
 completely changed.
 
  The Belgian author Marcel Laloire would note: "When you make
 your way through the cities of Germany and go into the working-class
 districts, go through the factories, the construction yards, you are
 astonished to find so many workers on the job sporting the Hitler
 insignia, to see so many flags with the Swastika, black on a bright
 red background, in the most populous districts." The Labor Front that
 Hitler imposed on all of the workers and employers of the Reich was
 for the most part received with favor.
 
  And already the steel spades of the sturdy young lads of the
 National Labor Service could be seen gleaming along the highways. The
 National Labor Service had been created by Hitler out of thin air to
 bring together for a few months in absolute equality, and in the same
 uniform, both the sons of millionaires and the sons of the poorest
 families. All had to perform the same work and were subject to the
 same discipline, even the same pleasures and the same physical and
 moral development. On the same construction sites and in the same
 living quarters, they had become conscious of their commonality, had
 come to understand one another, and had swept away their
 old prejudices of class and caste. After this hitch in the National
 Labor Service they all began to live as comrades, the workers knowing
 that the rich man's son was not a monster, and the young lad from the
 wealthy family knowing that the worker's son had honor just
 like any other young fellow who had been more generously
 favored by birth. Social hatred was disappearing, and a socially
 united people was being born.
 
  Hitler could already go into factories, something no man of the
 so-called Right before him would have risked doing, and hold forth to
 the mob of workers, tens of thousands of them at a time, as in the
 Siemens works. In contrast to the von Papens and other country
 gentlemen, he might tell them, "In my youth I was a worker like you.
 And in my heart of hearts, I have remained what I was then." In the
 course of his twelve years in power, no incident ever occurred at any
 factory Adolf Hitler ever visited. When Hitler was among the people,
 he was at home, and he was received like the member of
 the family who had been most successful."
 
 

www.spearhead-uk.com http://www.natvan.com
http://www.thebirdman.org http://www.RealNews247.com



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