Re: Patterns of phoneme sequences in words


"Richard Herring" <junk@[127.0.0.1]> wrote in message
news:Ws1rsU3UwuhEFwDN@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
In message <4486E6C4.171D@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>, Peter T. Daniels
<grammatim@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> writes
John Atkinson wrote:

"Neeraj Mathur" <neemathur@xxxxxxxxxxx> wrote...

the cluster [Ng] only appears morpheme-internally;

You couldn't be wronger there, mate.

You have [g] in "wronger"?

That's a characteristic of Bronx ...

To tell the truth, after saying it to myself five hundred times, I'm no
longer able to tell whether I have [g] in <wronger>. However, I definitely
do have it in <longest> and <strongest>. How about the rest of you?

And Lancashire.

Southern Lancashire only, according to Wells. And also Merseyside,
Manchester, Chesshire, Derbyshire, and Staffordshire. But the phenomenon
there is rather different. They have [g] after /N/ whenever it's either
word-final or precedes a vowel or liquid. <sing> = [sINg], <singer> and
<kingly> rhyme with <finger> and <singly>, and so on. Before other
consonants, it depends on the dialect -- <sings> is [sINz] in most of these
places, but [sINgz] in others; similarly <wronged>.

In my (Australian) dialect, [g] is only added to [N] morpheme-final when the
following morpeme is comparative <-er> or superlative.<-est>. Thus
<longer>, 'more long' and <longer> 'a person who longs' aren't homophones.

John.


.

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