Re: AS gebúr; bauer; neighbour

On Mar 18, 7:26 pm, lorad...@xxxxxx wrote:
On Mar 12, 11:34 am, "Brian M. Scott" <b.sc...@xxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:

On Wed, 12 Mar 2008 01:35:03 +0100, Trond Engen
<trond...@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote in
<news:goOdnU07i8auuEra4p2dnAA@xxxxxxxxxxx> in sci.lang:

Brian M. Scott skreiv:
On Tue, 11 Mar 2008 10:51:07 -0700 (PDT),
<Craoibhi...@xxxxxxxxx> wrote in
<news:afe93d6f-5514-469e-a65b-f3c6d85668f7@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
in sci.lang:
On Mar 11, 7:03 pm, Du¨an Vukotiå <dusan.vuko...@xxxxxxxxx> wrote:
Could anyone of the sci.lang big "mentors" explain the
relation between Serbian word naseobina (settlement) and
English inhabitancy? In addition, what the words
neighbour, Ger. Bauer and Serb. seljak (peasant) have in
common?
<Seljak> is obviously a derivative of <selo> 'soil, hamlet,
village', which is cognate with OIc <salr> 'room, hall'.  So
far as I know, the root is restricted to Gmc. and
(Balto-)Slavic.
[...]
You take no interest in the answer anyway. But let it be
known that the -o- in naseobina is related to l, so the
stem word there is -sel-, which occurs in Russian as
-sel- and in Polish as -siedl-.
Two different roots, I think: the one with /d/ probably does
go with PGmc. *setlaz, German <siedeln>, etc., as you
suggest:
So, the stem is probably a very old borrowing from
Germanic into Slavic, and related to German siedeln.
This is rather messy, apparently. Bjorvand and Lindeman
mention ON/OIc  <salr> "hall" m. and <sel> n. "cottage",
OE <sele> and <sæl> n., etc.,  find a common meaning
"room, single building", and tell that it's not  possible
to sort out if it's an original i-, a- or s-stem. They
cite  Balt. <sala> f. "village" and Lat. <solum> "soil"
as cognates, leading  back to IE *sel- "settlement", but
prefer to take Slav. <selo> <  *sed-lo-. They recount,
but reject, the objection that the semantic connection
between the Germanic and Baltic words is thin. For some
reason they don't mention any semantic problem with Lat.
<solum>.

Derksen keeps PSl. *selo and *sedlo distinct; he's not sure
whether the latter is actually a PSl. formation and notes
that if it is, 'we must assume that in those languages where
*dl- > *l- the etymon merged with <selo>', adding that in
West Slavic the two seem to have influenced each other.
Both are listed as neuter o-stems.

By the way, Derksen glosses Lith. <salà> (fem. a:-stem) as
'island, (dial.) field surrounded by meadows (or vice
versa), (E. Lith.) village' in his Slavic inherited lexicon;
in his Baltic inherited lexicon he makes it 'island, high
spot in a swamp, grove, village'.  He wonders whether <salà>
is cognate with <sálti> 'to flow (slowly)', which he refers
to a PIE *solh- with no further cognates; for <salà> he
gives the expected *sol(h)-eh2.  Pokorny puts <sálti> under
*sel-(4) 'to spring'.

Too bad neither is a native speaker.
Latvian also alternatively has 'sala' as 'island', but  <sálti> imo,
is off base; different roots.
'Saldit' means 'to freeze'; and frozen water moves (very) slowly.
The closest possibility following 'salti' appears to be
'stalti' ..'lofty', 'stately', 'tall', or 'shapely'.. but is more
distant.

Oops .. should have been more precise.. 'salti' does exist as a
conjugation of 'saldiit'
And frozen water does produce 'islands' of a sort.. but seems to be a
long-shot.

.

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